Christianity, from impotence to radicalization
Time increases the seriousness and also the ridicule of that meeting on December 7, 2021 between the four ministers of the Supreme Court and the Minister of Justice of the Nation. That morning, Martin Soria he exhausted his half hour of fame with a rant of grievances, Chicanas and accusations.
The official photo that was released of the meeting shows the official sitting in front of the quartet of judges, more like a student who is about to be examined by a court of teachers than like an envoy from the political power to formalize a declaration of war.
That was Soria’s claim that, in the name of the President’s obedience and driven by the Vice President’s desperation, he went to the Palace of Courts like the ambassador of a country about to fire the first cannon.
“Cristina Kirchner manages to turn the desperation caused by her procedural situation into political acts”
Soria himself was in charge of spreading his diatribe so that his constituents could corroborate that he had fulfilled his mission. The judges were silent before Soria, immutable as statues. And then they took it upon themselves to do three things. They made public that same afternoon a ruling that sentenced the Nation to pay a multimillion-dollar sum to the province of Santa Fe. They reported that the minister’s words had not required a response since “he did not raise any specific case,” according to what he specified. the President of the Court, Horacio Rosatti. And, finally, the court released a report in which it refuted the accusations of slowness and delay in resolving the cases.
A month and a half later, that challenge turned into an Italian comedy step recovers all its meaning.
Something must be recognized Cristina Kirchner: He manages to turn the desperation caused by his procedural situation into political acts. Moreover, his persistence in challenging institutional limits is a visible element even despite the rejection and electoral defeats caused by the forcing of the rules.
The Soria meeting has the value of having started a sequence. If it is not by the good, it will be by the bad, Kirchnerism warns, always sensitive to the urgencies of his leader. The support of the Deputy Minister of Justice, Martín Mena, to a march called by Louis D’Elia to “kick out” the members of the Court can be taken as part of a policy that escalates, once again, towards dark territories.
“Democratic forms are increasingly incompatible with the needs of impunity that Kirchnerism requires”
Cristina no longer knows how to ask the Court to listen to her. And that is precisely what a court should not do, unless it insists on an authoritarian drift compatible with those of the best friends of Kirchnerism in the world. And, to be fair, so deeply rooted in the political culture of Argentina, that it once accepted as a value that the judges of the Court must necessarily be affiliated with Peronism.
The vice president has a frustration and two problems. He believed that winning the elections would be enough to erase the legal cases against him, in particular those derived from the corruption maneuvers under investigation and trial. It didn’t happen with the intensity you want. If that line of reasoning were valid (it is not, in fact and in law), in November he suffered an extensive electoral defeat whose extension took away the room for maneuver he had in the Senate. The other problem comes from the previous one. The clock that marks the second time of the government that he manages began to run.
Democratic forms and the division of powers are increasingly incompatible with the needs for impunity that Kirchnerism requires. It is not a new fact. It is a fact that, far from being erased, always returns.
Cristina has problems that her Venezuelan, Cuban, Russian or Chinese friends do not. These affinities are explained with these urgencies.
Between the wall of his old Republican speeches and the need to respond to whoever put him in the presidency, Alberto Fernandez manages as best it can relations with the world of “capitalist enemies”.
Once again, the President sends Albertists to parley with the United States in search of an agreement with the Monetary Fund. Everything happens while Kirchnerism little less than celebrates the imminent failure of these negotiations.
The fantasy of radicalization is more than that. Kirchnerism has been especially successful in destroying the value of the national currency, a necessary condition to isolate citizens from the rest of the world. The only ones who have dollars both in Cuba and in Venezuela are the bureaucrats of the regime or friendly businessmen.
Exaggeration? The numbers reflect that the process of decoupling the currencies is advanced, as is the adjustment via inflation to reduce to insignificance the capacity of people and companies to operate, increasingly dependent on the political will of the officials on duty.
It is still a discussion if all this disaster is the result of the clumsiness and incapacity of economic officials. But the new Argentine “miracle”, as described by the laureate godfather of the minister Martin Guzman, could well be part of the illusion of State control of all economic springs, starting with one of its essential elements: the value of the currency and the volatility of prices.
It would be the first time in history that a country sinks into authoritarianism because its judges are obstinate in doing their job.