The PNV distrusts the Government for the whitewashing of Bildu
The political leadership of EH Bildu in Basque and national politics is advancing without restraint, deeply affecting the proposals of PNV, PSOE-PSE and Podemos. If the composition of the Basque Parliament is analyzed from the arithmetic that led to Patxi López to be Lendakari in 2009, lhe irruption of the coalition led by Arnaldo Otegi is the main disruptive element. Only the emergence of Podemos made its results worse in 2016 than in the previous elections. But since 2012 it has been consolidated as the second force in the Basque Country. And already in 2020 he regained ground at the expense of a Podemos that lost half of its votes. That fall favors Bildu who now stands at 100,000 PNV votes, the shortest distance since its formation.
After the last general elections Bildu has obtained its own group in the Congress of Deputies for the first time. Its trend is upward. With 5 deputies, its weight compared to the PNV (6) is already comparable. Although the precedent of 2011 has not yet been reached when Amaiur (7) beat PNV (5). Being a legislature with an absolute majority of the PP there was no significance.
But it is evident that both in the Basque institutions and in the EH Bildu Congress of Deputies they haunt the privileged historical positions of the PNV. Their nervousness has become evident in recent months. In addition, at EH Bildu they have allies in their approach. Podemos is in favor of a tripartite in País Vaco with the PSE that separates the PNV. It is the ambition of EH Bildu that the Socialists resist. The validity of the pact with the PNV continues to be defended, but the new generations of Basque socialism are increasingly in favor of the understanding of the left. Even the new leader, Eneko Andueza, who is endorsed by Ferraz and who left candidates who advocated exploring this path without options, has stated that the PSE should not be tied to the pact with the PNV as the only possibility.
In the Government it is emphasized, in the socialist part, that the PNV continues to be a preferred and main partner. It is clear that the transfer calendar is developing and that their alliance in Vitoria is solid. But the last “steps” taken by Bildu in relation to the victims have been widely celebrated in the socialist ranks.
For the socialist interests they are oxygen balloons in order to justify an understanding that they know has a lot of cost in other parts of Spain. And it is that the relationship of the PSOE with Bildu is only normalized since the electoral repetition of November 2019. The setback of PSOE and United We Can in those elections forced the Socialists to meet for the first time with EH Bildu officially. Their votes were necessary for the investiture. And that forced a total swerve in the PSOE’s approach. After the April elections of that same year, Pedro Sánchez had vetoed Bildu from the round of negotiations that he undertook for the investiture. Giving him then the same treatment as Vox. From there he became an almost essential ally a few months later. Due to the failure of an electoral repetition with which it was intended to subdue all potential partners. The opposite happened. Pedro Sánchez was left with no alternative and that reinforced Pablo Iglesias’ thesis of forging a strategic understanding with Bildu and ERC to tie the PSOE to that bloc.
In gratitude for this normalization, which Bildu needs to compete with the PNV in the Basque Country, its five deputies in Congress have usually been less harsh in the negotiations, when compared to ERC and the PNV itself. These, in addition to asserting their position in Madrid, are oriented in Vitoria with decisions about the prisoners, thanks to the transfer of jurisdiction in prisons executed by the Government of Pedro Sánchez, so that Bildu does not continue to eat them land